Audio reading of this section (English)
For centuries, the Senogalatîs spread out across Europe, inhabiting places as far apart as southern Britain to north central Turkey. Back in their homeland, their civilisation had advanced with developed road and infrastructure networks, and the spread of dunâ (oppida), along with the continued development of craft and trade, evident in their metalworking for example. The land wasn’t enough to sustain its original population, but it was far from barren. So those who stayed behind prospered. This prosperity, wealth, and good land drew the gaze of covetous eyes. Germanic nations would, like the Senogalatîs before, seek out wealth from raids and land to settle.
They achieved more of the former than the latter. Raiding settlements throughout Senogaliâ (Ancient Gaul), and further south where they smashed through a Roman legion, but later fell and were decimated by the Romans. This pretext, Germanic warriors streaming across the Rhine gave the Romans a reason to involve themselves in Senogalatis affairs. Their involvement wasn’t entirely unwelcome. Nations like the Aiduoi (Aedui) forged alliances with them because having the friendship of a growing power gave them an edge in struggles against other nations. The problem is that the commander of the Roman legions in the area had other plans in mind.
A debt riddled general named Julius Caesar was struggling with paying off his creditors and needed money. When the Eluuetioi (Helvetii) sought to migrate not east, but west, this gave Caesar his chance to intervene. The Eluuetioi, as most migrating nations had, sucked up the resources wherever they went. This wasn’t welcomed by those whose lands they would have to pass through to get to where they wanted to go. For themselves, they were used to fighting battles with Germanic raiders. Moving west would give them a large buffer against these constant battles. Undoubtedly, this would come at the expense of nations like the Secuanoi (Sequanni), and those in the centre of Senogaliâ, such as the Aiduoi.
This gave the pretext needed. After defeating the Eluuetioi, in 525 AAC (58 BCE), thus drawing in the Germanic Suebi nation as well (led by Ariouistus, a curiously Senogalaticos name) giving yet another pretext for another nation to battle. Much of the Catoues Romanicî (The Roman Wars – called in Western parlance the Gallic Wars) went along this way. The internal divisions that held sway over the different nations proved their greatest vulnerability. Especially salient when even at the point most nations agreed that it was best to fight, they’d sometimes try to fight the Romans on their own.
The problem with that was that they weren’t fighting a city-state. The Romans controlled much of the Italian peninsula and several territories outside of it, including the stretch of land between Rome and Spain. They had access to a formidable number of people and resources. It was not a small state against a collection of nations but two large groups going to war. The Senogalatîs early on did not understand this. The year after the beginning of the invasion the lands of the Bolgoi (Belgae) were invaded. Of whom the Neruoi (Nervii) fell in a close battle. With the exception of the Remoi (Remi) that sided with the Romans, the rest fell in small coalitions or one by one. But not without a daring struggle led by the two leaders of the Eburones – Ambiorix and Catuuolcos (Catuvolcus).
Not long after this, the northwestern portion of Senogaliâ fell, after a series of naval battles with nations like the Osismoi (Osismi) and Uenetioi (Veneti). After this there were two expeditions to Britain that led to the securing of clientages but not really conquests. In the second campaign, there were victories, but these didn’t have much of an effect beyond those clientages. Upon Caesar’s return to Senogaliâ, the Senogalatîs seemed to have found a will to fight. One such example is the Carnutes, who were clients of the Remoi nation that allied with the Romans immediately. A puppet king, Tasgetios was installed to rule over the Carnutes. He didn’t last more than a couple of years, because he was assassinated. After this, the Carnutes rose in rebellion – led by Cotuatos and Conetodunos – against the Romans. They slaughtered and expelled Roman merchants, and did the same to Roman troops and officers stationed there.
This was retaliated against by the burning and destruction of Cenabon (Cenabum), in which the inhabitants were all either killed or sold into slavery. It was this incident that set the stage for a widespread revolt. In the course of forming a response to the tragedy, a leader emerged – Uercingetorix (Vercingetorix). The high warrior king. He was a leader of the Aruernoi (Arverni) people. Son of Celtilos (Celtillus), he set about rallying the Senogalatîs to rid their lands of the Roman yoke. In this effort he had a bit more success than Ambiorix, who was able to gather a number of the Bolgoi nations about a year or so prior.
This was certainly not done without resistance. His father was killed for his ambitions of uniting the Senogalatîs. Among his own people, there was great resistance. His uncle Gobanitos and other noblemen of the Aruernoi exiled Uercingetorix and his followers. War was normally the purview of this class. But instead of the usual rounding up of fellow members of the warrior class for an upcoming fight, Uercingetorix enlisted commoners. It was truly a people’s army, but that isn’t all: he understood that this wasn’t the same as a battle between his own countrymen. The old rules which governed their conduct did not apply because the Romans themselves wouldn’t abide by such conventions. They once had, but times had changed. This meant utilising more contemporary (to his time) tactics and enforcing the strict discipline that came with them.
Strategically, he took advantage of natural fortifications and utilised a “slash and burn” approach ahead of Roman advances to deny them usage of the land as they moved through it. This was a problem for the Bituriges people of Auaricon (Avaricum), who didn’t want their city to be a part of that kind of strategy. Unfortunately, this left them wide open for the siege tactics of the Romans, who then proceeded to slaughter most of the town’s inhabitants. Sparing only roughly 800 out of about 40,000.
But Uercingetorix had, in harassing the Roman troops with guerilla attacks, earned more and more of a reputation. This allowed him to march back into the capital of his fellow Aruernoi who expelled him before, Gergouiâ (Gergovia). Afterwards came the Catus Gergouiâs (Battle of Gergovia). The Romans enlisted the Aiduoi (Aedui) for assistance. This was common in the course of this war because some nations were loyal to Rome (such as the Remoi) and others at the least had significant pro-Roman factions, such as the Aiduoi, who were generously bribed (a common tactic). Fortunately for Uercingetorix, there was also an anti-Roman faction as well. As the Romans were chasing the Senogalatîs, they left some Aiduoi in charge of their supplies. This wasn’t a good move, as they were part of the latter faction. This slowed the Roman advance, though at the cost of these daring Aiduoi warriors.
This pursuit led to the showdown at Gergouiâ. While the Romans prepared to put the city under siege, the rebellious Aiduoi attacked and damaged the complex Roman logistical structure. After struggling with the baggage issues having to use four of his six available legions to quash the Aiduoi revolt, Caesar conducted a raid to block the water supply of the countryside. This worked, but Uercingetorix was ready in Gergouiâ herself. Caesar tried several manoeuvres to get Uercingetorix away from the high ground that his troops held.
In the heat of the moment, the legions ignored or misheard (allegedly) orders and attempted to attack the city. They attempted to scale the walls, but they lacked an important tool to do so – ladders. Needless to say, this was unsuccessful.10,000 Aiduoi who supported Caesar attempted to join in the battle against Uercingetorix, but the legions confused them for enemies and attacked them!
It was the noise of this battle that got the attention of Uercingetorix. Taking advantage of this unusual opportunity, he led his epotes (knights, cavalrymen) on a charge that shattered the Roman ranks. Caesar did all he could to cover the retreat. In his ‘Commentaries on the Gallic War’, he vastly downplayed the casualties of this failed siege. It is quite likely he lost thousands in the attempt. Uercingetorix and his troops routed the legions. Gergouiâ was a great victory that shattered the façade of Roman invincibility. Quite impressive for a war leader in his twenties.
Uercingetorix had the right idea of pursuing the retreating enemy, to destroy Caesar’s army and as such preserve the freedom and independence of the Senogalatîs. However, Caesar got lucky. His lieutenant, Titus Labienus was marching from the north. Caesar also was able to employ Germanic cavalrymen. These combined forces defeated those of Uercingetorix at Vingeanne. This forced the ill fated retreat of Uercingetorix to Alisiâ (Alesia). The Romans built their siegeworks as was the norm for them. Uercingetorix made two mistakes that cost him dearly. The first is that he sent all of his cavalry out to gather reinforcements. The second is that he did not charge the hills on which the siege was being conducted to stop it with as many troops as he could muster.
In the most dire of straights, due to these unfortunate mistakes, he surrendered the noncombatants of Alisiâ. However, there was no interest for Caesar in accepting them, undoubtedly for slaves as was usual in warfare at that time. Instead, these poor souls starved between the lines. The legions were after the complete submission of the Senogalatîs, and the defeat of Uercingetorix. On 17 Ogroniî, 531 AAC (3 October, 52 BCE), Caesar received the latter. Uercingetorix surrendered and the last great resistance of the Senogalatîs to Roman rule was at an end. The tragic hero who won his great victory prior at Gergouiâ met his defeat that day. It is said that a few years later, after being paraded like a trophy animal in the streets of Rome, he was strangled to death in his prison cell.
To get a piece of the feeling of those who fought against the Romans at Alisiâ, there is this which Casear recorded in a rare showing of generosity to the defenders in his Commentaries. Or was it perhaps an attempt to demonstrate the “barbarity” of a people valiantly resisting subjugation by any means necessary? We can never know. A speech by one of the leaders, Critognatos (7.77):
“I shall pay no attention to the opinion of those who call a most disgraceful surrender by the name of a capitulation; nor do I think that they ought to be considered as citizens, or summoned to the council. My business is with those who approve of a sally: in whose advice the memory of our ancient prowess seems to dwell in the opinion of you all. To be unable to bear privation for a short time is disgraceful cowardice, not true valor.
Julius Caesar, Gallic War, 7.77
Those who voluntarily offer themselves to death are more easily found than those who would calmly endure distress. And I would approve of this opinion (for honor is a powerful motive with me), could I foresee no other loss, save that of life; but let us, in adopting our design, look back on all Gaul, which we have stirred up to our aid. What courage do you think would our relatives and friends have, if eighty thousand men were butchered in one spot, supposing that they should be forced to come to an action almost over our corpses?
Do not utterly deprive them of your aid, for they have spurned all thoughts of personal danger on account of your safety; nor by your folly, rashness, and cowardice, crush all Gaul and doom it to an eternal slavery. Do you doubt their fidelity and firmness because they have not come at the appointed day? What then? Do you suppose that the Romans are employed every day in the outer fortifications for mere amusement? If you can not be assured by their dispatches, since every avenue is blocked up, take the Romans as evidence that there approach is drawing near; since they, intimidated by alarm at this, labor night and day at their works.
What, therefore, is my design? To do as our ancestors did in the war against the Cimbri and Teutones, which was by no means equally momentous who, when driven into their towns, and oppressed by similar privations, supported life by the corpses of those who appeared useless for war on account of their age, and did not surrender to the enemy: and even if we had not a precedent for such cruel conduct, still I should consider it most glorious that one should be established, and delivered to posterity. For in what was that war like this? The Cimbri, after laying Gaul waste, and inflicting great calamities, at length departed from our country, and sought other lands; they left us our rights, laws, lands, and liberty. But what other motive or wish have the Romans, than, induced by envy, to settle in the lands and states of those whom they have learned by fame to be noble and powerful in war, and impose on them perpetual slavery?
For they never have carried on wars on any other terms. But if you know not these things which are going on in distant countries, look to the neighboring Gaul, which being reduced to the form of a province, stripped of its rights and laws, and subjected to Roman despotism, is oppressed by perpetual slavery.”
These are the words reflective of the sentiments of a desperate people doing everything they possibly could to maintain that ever precious sovereignty.
While this would not be the last of the rebellions, nor technically the end of the war, it was in essence the end of the free Senogalatîs. Luxterios (Lucterius) of the Catuturcoi (Cadurci) nation, in alliance with Drapeð ( ð = ts in this case, Drapes in Roman records) of the Senonoi (Senones, the same who often fought the Romans in Northern Italy) prepared to hold the stronghold of Uxellodunon (Uxellodunum) against a Roman siege nearly two years after the ill fated battle of Alisiâ. They held out for some time, but after their defeat the hands of all who bore arms were cut off in an attempt to make an example of those who rebelled against Roman rule. Sadly for Luxterios, he didn’t enjoy the widespread support that Uercingetorix had. But he too should be remembered as holding onto that spirit of the proud and free Senogalatîs. As should Cotuatos, Ambiorix, and Uercingetorix.
The question begged by the title of this subsection is if it’s truly the end. It wasn’t necessarily. It was certainly the beginning of the end of free Senogaliâ. But it was also the beginning of the Gallo-Roman age, which had its own developments, and though it is true that eventually the Senogalatîs essentially ceased to exist as they were after centuries of Roman exploitation and conquest, it wasn’t the end of everything. Eventually Latin did replace Senogalaticos. The Gallo-Roman age eventually brought Christianity with it as that belief system spread throughout what became the Roman Empire. But not before a people melded of two prior ones – the Senogalatîs and the Romans had a culture, customs, and history of its own. So, while it wasn’t truly the end, it is beyond the scope of this commentary. A story probably better told by those who feel more connected to it.
| Note The point, of course, isn’t whether or not the Romans were “bad”. Some of the tactics they used were normal for the time, and others were not. Obviously, this entire piece is written from a point of view centering on the Senogalatîs. It’s not a condemnation of the entirety of ancient Roman history or society. But what they did in this particular instance. The descendants of and those who practice Roman customs today are not responsible for what happened over 2,000 years ago, and the same goes for those of us Galatis. |
For further reading on the history of the Senogalatîs (some sources are repeats but for good reason):
- ‘The Ancient Celts – Second Edition’ by Barry Cunliffe
- ‘Les Gaulois – Vérìtés et légendes’ by Jean-Louis Brunaux
- ‘Les Gaulois’ by Jean-Louis Brunaux
- ‘The Gallic Wars’ by Gaius Julius Caesar and Aulus Hirtius, translated by W. A. McDevitte and W. S. Bohn
- ‘The Philosopher and the Druids – A Journey Among the Ancient Celts’ by Phillip Freeman
- UNC’s Exploring Celtic Civilisations course is available for free and is loaded with source quotes, responsible for many of them in this paper.
Museum Websites :
Bessus Nouiogalation 