Senogalatîs in Italî

Audio reading of this section (English)

The expansion of the Senogalatîs into Italiâ – Italy is fairly well documented. It also lends credible arguments that it started much sooner than some of the accounts say. Two interesting points can be made here. First, that the Senogalatîs were not the only Celtic peoples in the area, and they were not the first. A language similar to in many ways, but not Senogalaticos was that of Leponticos (Lepontic). The Lepontic peoples were wrote inscriptions which they did utilising a North Italic alphabet. Perhaps learned from the Etruscans, but was common enough in Northern Italy at the time that it cannot be certain from whom they got it. This way of writing, which was mainly used for inscriptions actually was passed down to some of the Senogalatîs in Italy, with some small modifications that meant they had their own way of writing using it.

The following link below will demonstrate a variety of North Italic Scripts that were used. The one furthest on the right was that which the Senogalatîs in Italy were found to have used. (Courtesy of the folks at the University of Vienna working on a project known as Lexicon Leponticum)

https://lexlep.univie.ac.at/wiki/North_Italic_Script

The environment changed once the Senogalatîs made their way south and they had an effect on the peoples in their immediate vicinity. The Insubrioi (Insubres) being one such people who were of a Celtic culture before the arrival of the Senogalatîs. They were perhaps related to the Lepontic and Ligurian peoples in the area, and over time became Gallicised. Due to this, they too numbered among the Senogalatîs because, and it cannot be overstated, a people could do this regardless of ancestry. They spoke the language, and adopted a material culture like that of other Senogalatîs. Of course, they retained their distinct character as well, as their style of burial indicates. As to how the Insubrioi were Gallicised, a tantalising hint is possibly offered by Titus Livius in his ‘History of Rome’ at the end of the section 5.34:

“…After crossing the Alps by the passes of the Taurini and the valley of the Douro, they defeated the Tuscans (Etruscans) in battle not far from the Ticinus, and when they learnt that the country in which they had settled belonged to the Insubres, a name also borne by a district of the Aedui (Aiduoi), they accepted the omen of the place and built a city which they called Mediolanum (Mediolanon, today known as Milan).”

Titus Livius, ‘History of Rome’ 5.34

This would have occurred during the life of Ambicatus, around 600 BCE. Perhaps Bellouesus was there after all? While fun to speculate, it is at least known that the founding of Mediolanon happened around this time and so we have the first connection of the Senogalatîs to Italiâ this way. Even at this early date, Mediolanon was a great trading post. Its central location gave the Insubrioi access to much of Italy for both raiding and trading. From this place, the Insubrioi grew to be among the most powerful groups of Senogalatîs in Italy for centuries. However, in the course of those centuries, the Insubrioi were not alone. Peoples such as the Bouioi (Boii) and the Cenomanoi (Cenomani) joined them, in the process challenging the Etruscans for whom as the Senogalatîs were expanding south, they were expanding north.

The sought prize in this case was the Po River valley. Its fertile farmland, central location, and immediate access to a major river granted not only an easy route for trade, but the ability to construct stations along it to exact tolls. The winters were also less harsh there, another reason to fight to call this place their own. 

In the ensuing centuries, the conflicting expansions between the Senogalatîs and the Etruscans were coming to a head. One example of this was in 193 AAC, 390 BCE. A fight was brewing between Senonoi, a nation of the Senogalatîs and the Etruscans of the city of Clusium. In the process, this led to the city being sieged. During this, the Etruscans of Clusium called upon their allies, the city state of Rome. The Senonoi wanted to settle an unused portion of land. The Romans asked them by what right they had to ask for this, they said it was worn on their belts, referring to their swords. Then one of these Romans, Quintus Fabius decided during negotiations with the Senonoi, he chose to charge at one of the Riges (chieftains), killing him. The Senonoi demanded justice and recompense but were denied. Needless to say, that caused the Senonoi to change their focus and set their sights on Rome.

Storming southward joined by members of the Bouioi and Insubrioi, they smashed through the Roman troops at the Battle of the Allia. After winning that battle, they marched on and sacked the city of Rome. Accounts of this are somewhat contradictory. It is agreed upon that the city was sacked, but all accounts are made centuries after the event occurred. The most pedestrian of the accounts is that offered by Diodorus Siculus in his ‘Library of History’ (14.114-116):

“At the time that Dionysius was besieging Rhegium, the Celts who had their homes in the regions beyond the Alps streamed through the passes in great strength and seized the territory that lay between the Apennine mountains and the Alps, expelling the Tyrrhenians who dwelt there. These, according to some, were colonists from the twelve cities of Tyrrhenia; but others state that before the Trojan War Pelasgians fled from Thessaly to escape the flood of Deucalion’s time and settled in this region. Now it happened, when the Celts divided up the territory by nations, that those known as the Sennones received the area which lay farthest from the mountains and along the sea. But since this region was scorching hot, they were distressed and eager to move; hence they armed their younger men and sent them out to seek a territory where they might settle. Now they invaded Tyrrhenia, and being in number some thirty thousand they sacked the territory of the Clusini. At this very time the Roman people sent messengers into Tyrrhenia to spy out the army of the Celts. The ambassadors arrived at Clusium, and when they saw that a battle had been joined, with more valour than wisdom they joined the men of Clusium against their besiegers, and one of the messengers was successful in killing a rather important commander. When the Celts learned of this, they dispatched messengers to Rome to demand the person of the envoy who had thus commenced an unjust war. The senate at first sought to persuade the envoys of the Celts to accept money in satisfaction of the injury, but when they would not consider this, it voted to surrender the accused. But the father of the man to be surrendered, who was also one of the military tribunes with consular power, appealed the judgement to the people, and since he was a man of influence among the masses, he persuaded them to void the decision of the senate. Now in the times previous to this the people had followed the senate in all matters; with this occasion they first began to rescind decisions of that body.

The ambassadors of the Celts returned to their camp and reported the reply of the Romans. At this they were greatly angered and, adding troops from their fellow tribesmen, they marched swiftly upon Rome itself, numbering more than seventy thousand men. The military tribunes of the Romans, exercising their special power, when they heard of the advance of the Celts, armed all the men of military age. They then marched out in full force and, crossing the Tiber, led their troops for eighty stades along the river; and at news of the approach of the Galatians they drew up the army for battle. Their best troops, to the number of twenty-four thousand, they set in a line from the river as far as the hills and on the highest hills they stationed the weakest. The Celts deployed their troops in a long line and, whether by fortune or design, stationed their choicest troops on the hills. The trumpets on both sides sounded the charge at the same time and the armies joined in battle with great clamour. The élite troops of the Celts, who were opposed to the weakest soldiers of the Romans, easily drove them from the hills. Consequently, as these fled in masses to the Romans on the plain, the ranks were thrown into confusion and fled in dismay before the attack of the Celts. Since the bulk of the Romans fled along the river and impeded one another by reason of their disorder, the Celts were not behind-hand in slaying again and again those who were last in line. Hence the entire plain was strewn with dead. Of the men who fled to the river the bravest attempted to swim across with their arms, prizing their armour as highly as their lives; but since the stream ran strong, some of them were borne down to their death by the weight of the arms, and some, after being carried along for some distance, finally and after great effort got off safe. But since the enemy pressed them hard and was making a great slaughter along the river, most of the survivors threw away their arms and swam across the Tiber.

The Celts, though they had slain great numbers on the bank of the river, nevertheless did not desist from the zest for glory but showered javelins upon the swimmers; and since many missiles were hurled and men were massed in the river, those who threw did not miss their mark. So it was that some died at once from mortal blows, and others, who were wounded only, were carried off unconscious because of loss of blood and the swift current. When such disaster befell, the greater part of the Romans who escaped occupied the city of Veii, which had lately been razed by them, fortified the place as well as they could, and received the survivors of the rout. A few of those who had swum the river fled without their arms to Rome and reported that the whole army had perished. When word of such misfortunes as we have described was brought to those who had been left behind in the city, everyone fell into despair; for they saw no possibility of resistance, now that all their youth had perished, and to flee with their children and wives was fraught with the greatest danger since the enemy were close at hand. Now many private citizens fled with their households to neighbouring cities, but the city magistrates, encouraging the populace, issued orders for them to bring speedily to the Capitoline grain and every other necessity.

When this had been done, both the acropolis and the Capitoline were stored not only with supplies of food but with silver and gold and the costliest raiment, since the precious possessions had been gathered from over the whole city into one place. They gathered such valuables as they could and fortified the place we have mentioned during a respite of three days. For the Celts spent the first day cutting off, according to their custom, the heads of the dead. And for two days they lay encamped before the city, for when they saw the deserted walls and yet heard the noise made by those who were transferring their most useful possessions to the acropolis, they suspected that the Romans were planning a trap for them. But on the fourth day, after they had learned the true state of affairs, they broke down the gates and pillaged the city except for a few dwellings on the Palatine. After this they delivered daily assaults on strong positions, without, however, inflicting any serious hurt upon their opponents and with the loss of many of their own troops. Nevertheless, they did not relax their ardour, expecting that, even if they did not conquer by force, they would wear down the enemy in the course of time, when the necessities of life had entirely given out.

While the Romans were suffering from such difficulties, the neighbouring Tyrrhenians advanced and made a raid with a strong army on the territory of the Romans, capturing many prisoners and not a small amount of booty. But the Romans who had fled to Veii, falling unexpectedly upon the Tyrrhenians, put them to flight, took back the booty, and captured their camp. Having got possession of arms in abundance, they distributed them among the unarmed, and they also gathered men from the countryside and armed them, since they intended to relieve the siege of the soldiers who had taken refuge on the Capitoline. While they were at a loss how they might reveal their plans to the besieged, since the Celts had surrounded them with strong forces, a certain Cominius Pontius undertook to get the cheerful news to the men on the Capitoline. Starting out alone and swimming the river by night, he got unseen to a cliff of the Capitoline that was hard to climb and, hauling himself up it with difficulty, told the soldiers on the Capitoline about the troops that had been collected in Veii and how they were watching for an opportunity and would attack the Celts. Then, descending by the way he had mounted and swimming the Tiber, he returned to Veii. The Celts, when they observed the tracks of one who had recently climbed up, made plans to ascend at night by the same cliff. Consequently, about the middle of the night, while the guards were neglectful of their watch because of the strength of the place, some Celts started an ascent of the cliff. They escaped detection by the guards, but the sacred geese of Hera, which were kept there, noticed the climbers and set up a cackling. The guards rushed to the place and the Celts, deterred, did not dare proceed farther. A certain Marcus Mallius, a man held in high esteem, rushing to the defence of the place, cut off the hand of the climber with his sword and, striking him on the breast with his shield, rolled him from the cliff. In like manner the second climber met his death, whereupon the rest all quickly turned in flight. But since the cliff was precipitous they were all hurled headlong and perished. As a result of this, when the Romans sent ambassadors to negotiate a peace, they were persuaded, upon receipt of one thousand pounds of gold, to leave the city and to withdraw from Roman territory.”

Diodorus Siculus, ‘Library of History’ (14.114-116)

This was but the beginning of centuries of conflicts between the Senogalatîs and Romans. Conflicts with them became a defining factor in the history of the Senogalaîs, the Romans would prove to be a constant threat to the Senogalatîs due to their own desire to expand. In spite of this, the Senogalatîs would be a consistent presence in Italy for centuries to come. 

While occupying lands mostly in the north of present day Italy – and the usual raiding and trading that came with it – they were also frequently courted for mercenary work. With or without the Senogalatîs, the Italian peninsula was a place of constant battles both from without and within. This allowed for opportunities to sell their skills in warfare. Such a practice was common among ancient cultures. Moreso when there were many young warriors who needed an outlet to prove their skill and valour, as well as older ones not content with a more settled life. 

The Senogalatîs were often solicited for mercenary service in Italy. Dionysius of Syracuse hired them so often that he had a colony post built in the lands of the Senonoi at Ancona, which lasted for around a generation. The Carthaginians, from Hamilcar to Hannibal employed them as mercenaries in the Punic Wars against the Romans. The Romans also hired Senogalatis mercenaries at times as they engaged in wars for supremacy over the Italian peninsula. They were an ever present force in those lands.

Their time there was filled with alliances and friendships as much as enmities. The Etruscans were allies and friends in some engagements, as were Samnites and Venetians. The thing about ancient peoples is that an enemy in one generation could be a friend in the next. Histories written sometimes forget this. Alliances were made and broken on the simple premises of profit and survival. Sometimes more complex ones relating to long term security, expansion, and subjugation of common foes. History focuses often on wars and battles which is understandable. They are terrible but dynamic and powerful events. But it is worth noting that decades of peace often were established between them. During which periods of trade and exchange, learning and understanding happened.

Battles were often fought to pursue loot. This was a common practice in Italy as it was everywhere else. Senogalatîs, Etruscans, Greeks, Romans, Carthaginians, Venetians and others all fought to grow their coffers with one another’s wealth (often on thin pretexts), which was usually taken from one of the others! All participated in objectionable and unnecessarily violent actions, and perhaps this is why alliances could change so quickly. Grudges are harder to hold when your people are just as guilty as the next. The Roman people were seeking greater control over the peninsula and while they were doing that the, Etruscans and Senogalatîs looted Roman settlements as they did in 281 AAC (302 BCE), which was successful but then the two groups turned on each other, also par for the course in those times. The Romans would do likewise as they would levy legions north to the Senogalatis and Etruscan settlements, as well as south to raid fellow Italic peoples often taking not only loot but their land and sovereignty as well.

The Senogalatîs (Senonoi specifically) were hired by Etruscans and Samnites in what is called the Third Samnite War in 285 AAC (298 BCE), which was fought against an alliance of Romans, Campanians, and various other Latin nations. The Senonoi won a battle at Clusium and lost at Sentium, the Samnites ultimately lost and were absorbed into the Roman fold. Thus the centre of the Italian peninsula was lost to the ravages of Rome – a nation that was posing an ever growing threat to the peoples to their north.

In a conflict between Senogalatîs (the Senonoi specifically) and the Etruscans fourteen years later, the Romans again proceeded to intervene during the siege of Arretium. The Romans were defeated in a battle that is poorly documented. Continued Roman meddling in Senogalatis affairs led to the Senonoi to overreact, wrongly (if this occurred at all, this battle is poorly documented) slaying those who came seeking the release of captured Romans. Other versions account not for the Battle of Arretium, but for unrelated reasons the Romans demanded recompense because Senonoi mercenaries were involved in battles against the Romans. Likely hired by Etruscans, Bruttians, or Samnites. In turn, the Romans marched in force to defeat the Senonoi once and for all. They killed many of them, enslaved many others and drove the Senonoi out of their lands after defeating them in a later battle. This in turn led to the Bouioi and Etruscans, fearful that the Romans would attempt to dispose of them as well to march on them. This was rebuffed at Lake Vladimo, where the Etruscans bore the brunt of the Roman slaughter. In time, an uneasy peace was made between the Romans and the Etruscans and Bouioi. But the intention of the Romans to control all of Italiâ was clear. 

Skirmishes would continue, without a clear winner sporadically until about 345 AAC, 238 BCE. After this, a period of peace existed between the Senogalatîs and the Romans. This changed in 358 AAC, 225 BCE. In the years prior, the Romans began annexing formerly Senogalatis lands and transplanting Roman citizens to occupy it. This led to anger among the Bouioi and Insubrioi. Rekindling old anxieties about the purpose of the Romans in northern Italy. The Bouioi in the times of peace prior had kept to their own areas, in fact they even repelled another group of Senogalatîs who attempted to migrate across the Alps into Italy. In essence, doing the job the Romans assigned to themselves for them. This annexation of land and the replacement of the old Senonoi lands with Romans, who like the Senogalatîs did, were more than happy to plunder their neighbours, did not bode well in the spirit of this fragile peace.

This led to an escalation as the Bouioi and Insubrioi hired the now famous Gaisatîs (their more well known Latin name Gesatae) from the old lands to come down and give aid to them in a battle against the Romans. As Polybius notes in his ‘Histories’ (2.22):

“Accordingly the two most extensive nations, the Insubres and Boii, joined in the despatch of messengers to the nations living about the Alps and on the Rhone, who are called Gaesatae from the Celtic word which means “mercenary.” [This is incorrect: it actually means “spear-men.”] To their kings Concolitanus and Aneroetes they offered a large sum of gold on the spot; and, for the future, pointed out to them the greatness of the wealth of Rome, and all the riches of which they would become possessed, if they took it. In these attempts to inflame their greed and induce them to join the expedition against Rome they easily succeeded. For they added to the above arguments pledges of their own alliance; and reminded them of the campaign of their own ancestors in which they had seized Rome itself, and had been masters of all it contained, as well as the city itself, for seven months; and had at last evacuated it of their own free will, and restored it by an act of free grace, returning unconquered and unharmed with the booty to their own land. These arguments made the leaders so eager for the expedition, that there never at any other time came from that part of Gaul a larger host, or one consisting of more notable warriors. Meanwhile, the Romans, informed of what was coming, partly by report and partly by speculation, were in such a state of constant alarm and anticipation, that they hurriedly enrolled legions, collected supplies, and sent out their forces to the frontier, as though the enemy were already in their territory, before the Gauls had stirred from their own lands.”

Polybius, ‘Histories’ 2.22

This act guaranteed the battle that was to come. And so it did. The first battle was fought at Faesulae. In which the Bouioi, Insubrioi, and the hired Gaisatîs won a pitched battle against the Romans. As the allied Senogalatîs marched through the land of the Etruscans, the Romans met them at Clusium. Pulling off a master stroke, the Bouioi and Insubrioi made camp near them the night before the battle was to take place, when the Roman troops awoke they were gone. As such they pursued the Senogalatis cavalry, believing that they had retreated. However, they had worked their way around enemy lines to attack from behind, winning the battle.

Polybius recorded this after that battle (2.26):

“At this very time Lucius Aemilius, who was in command of the advanced force near the Adriatic, on hearing that the Celts had invaded Etruria and were approaching Rome, came in haste to help, fortunately arriving in the nick of time. He encamped near the enemy, and the fugitives on the hill, seeing his camp-fires and understanding what had occurred, immediately plucked up courage and dispatched by night some unarmed messengers through the wood to announce to the commander the plight they were in. On hearing of it and seeing that there was no alternative course under the circumstances, the latter ordered his Tribunes to march out the infantry at daybreak, he himself proceeding in advance with the cavalry towards the hill mentioned above.

The leaders of the Gauls, on seeing the camp-fires at night, surmised that the enemy had arrived and held a council at which the King Aneroëstes expressed the opinion, that having captured so much booty (for it appears that the quantity of slaves, cattle and miscellaneous spoil was enormous), they should not give battle again nor risk the fortune of the whole enterprise, but return home in safety, and having got rid of all their encumbrances and lightened themselves, return and, if advisable, try issues with the Romans. It was decided under the circumstances to take the course recommended by Aneroëstes, and having come to this resolution in the night, they broke up their camp before daybreak and retreated along the sea-coast through Etruria. Lucius now took with him from the hill the survivors of the other army and united them with his other forces. He thought it by no means advisable to risk a general battle, but decided to hang on the enemy’s rear and watch for times and places favourable for inflicting damage on them or wresting some of the spoil from their hands.”   

Polybius. ‘Histories’  2.26

The next battle, where the Gaisatîs famously went into battle in the nude, for that reason and others, fared quite poorly for the Senogalatîs, at the Battle of Telamon. This is in no small part because it was not just Romans that they were fighting. Several other nations (the Etruscans, Umbrians, Sabines, Venetians, and yes other Senogalatîs – the Cenomanoi) allies of Rome, came to bolster the numbers of the battle. Both sides had several different groups fighting alongside them and this is important to know. An account of this is again offered by Polybius (2.27-30):

“Just at this time, Gaius Atilius, the other Consul, had reached Pisa from Sardinia with his legions and was on his way to Rome, marching in the opposite direction to the enemy. When the Celts were near Telamon in Etruria, their advanced foragers encountered the advance guard of Gaius and were made prisoners. On being examined by the Consul they narrated all that had recently occurred and told him of the presence of the two armies, stating that the Gauls were quite near and Lucius behind them. The news surprised him but at the same time made him very hopeful, as he thought he had caught the Gauls on the march between the two armies. He ordered his Tribunes to put the legions in fighting order and to advance thus at marching pace in so far as the nature of the ground allowed the attack in line. He himself had happily noticed a hill situated above the road by which the Celts must pass, and taking his cavalry with him, advanced at full speed, being anxious to occupy the crest of the hill before their arrival and be the first to begin the battle, feeling certain that thus he would get the largest share of credit for the result.

The Celts at first were ignorant of the arrival of Atilius and imagined from what they saw, that Aemilius’ cavalry had got round their flank in the night and were engaged in occupying the position. They therefore at once sent on their own cavalry and some of their light-armed troops to dispute the possession of the hill. But very soon they learnt of Gaius’ presence from one of the prisoners brought in, and lost no time in drawing up their infantry, deploying them so that they faced both front and rear, since, both from the intelligence that reached them and from what was happening before their eyes, they knew that the one army was following them, and they expected to meet the other in their front.

Aemilius, who had heard of the landing of the legions at Pisa but had not any idea that they were already so near him, now, when he saw the fight going on round the hill, knew that the other Roman army was quite close. Accordingly, sending on his cavalry to help those who were fighting on the hill, he drew up his infantry in the usual order and advanced against the foe. The Celts had drawn up facing their rear, from which they expected Aemilius to attack, the Gaesatae from the Alps and behind them the Insubres, and facing in the opposite direction, ready to meet the attack of Gaius’ legions, they placed the Taurisci and the Boii from the right bank of the Po. 

Their wagons and chariots they stationed at the extremity of either wing and collected their booty on one of the neighbouring hills with a protecting force round it. This order of the Celtic forces, facing both ways, not only presented a formidable appearance, but was well adapted to the exigencies of the situation. The Insubres and Boii wore their trousers and light cloaks, but the Gaesatae had discarded these garments owing to their proud confidence in themselves, and stood naked, with nothing but their arms, in front of the whole army, thinking that thus they would be more efficient, as some of the ground was overgrown with brambles​ which would catch in their clothes and impede the use of their weapons. At first the battle was confined to the hill, all the armies gazing on it, so great were the numbers of cavalry from each host combating there pell-mell. In this action Gaius the Consul fell in the mellay fighting with desperate courage, and his head was brought to the Celtic kings; but the Roman cavalry, after a stubborn struggle, at length overmastered the enemy and gained possession of the hill. The infantry were now close upon each other, and the spectacle was a strange and marvellous one, not only to those actually present at the battle, but to all who could afterwards picture it to themselves from the reports.    

For in the first place, as the battle was between three armies, it is evident that the appearance and the movements of the forces marshalled against each other must have been in the highest degree strange and unusual. Again, it must have been to all present, and still is to us, a matter of doubt whether the Celts, with the enemy advancing on them from both sides, were more dangerously situated, or, on the contrary, more effectively, since at one and the same time they were fighting against both their enemies and were protecting themselves in the rear from both, while, above all, they were absolutely cut off from retreat or any prospect of escape in the case of defeat, this being the peculiarity of this two-faced formation. The Romans, however, were on the one hand encouraged by having caught the enemy between their two armies, but on the other they were terrified by the fine order of the Celtic host and the dreadful din, for there were innumerable horn-blowers and trumpeters, and, as the whole army were shouting their war-cries at the same time, there was such a tumult of sound that it seemed that not only the trumpets and the soldiers but all the country round had got a voice and caught up the cry. Very terrifying too were the appearance and the gestures of the naked warriors in front, all in the prime of life, and finely built men, and all in the leading companies richly adorned with gold torques and armlets. The sight of them indeed dismayed the Romans, but at the same time the prospect of winning such spoils made them twice as keen for the fight.

But when the javelineers advanced, as is their usage, from the ranks of the Roman legions and began to hurl their javelins in well-aimed volleys, the Celts in the rear ranks indeed were well protected by their trousers and cloaks, but it fell out far otherwise than they had expected with the naked men in front, and they found themselves in a very difficult and helpless predicament. For the Gaulish shield does not cover the whole body; so that their nakedness was a disadvantage, and the bigger they were​ the better chance had the missiles of going home. At length, unable to drive off the javelineers owing to the distance and the hail of javelins, and reduced to the utmost distress and perplexity, some of them, in their impotent rage, rushed wildly on the enemy and sacrificed their lives, while others, retreating step by step on the ranks of their comrades, threw them into disorder by their display of faint-heartedness. Thus was the spirit of the Gaesatae broken down by the javelineers; 6 but the main body of the Insubres, Boii, and Taurisci, once the javelineers had withdrawn into the ranks and the Roman maniples attacked them, met the enemy and kept up a stubborn hand-to‑hand combat.

For, though being almost cut to pieces, they held their ground, equal to their foes in courage, and inferior only, as a force and individually, in their arms. The Roman shields, it should be added, were far more serviceable for defence and their swords for attack, the Gaulish sword being only good for a cut and not for a thrust (This is untrue: Archaeological finds have demonstrated that the swords of the Senogalatîs were actually very well made.)  But finally, attacked from higher ground and on their flank by the Roman cavalry, which rode down the hill and charged them vigorously, the Celtic infantry were cut to pieces where they stood, their cavalry taking to flight.”   

Polybius notes in his ‘Histories’ 2.27-30

Often large battles this far back in time become oversimplified. It was not as simple as Senogalatîs fighting Romans. It was two sides that included many different peoples fighting alongside each other against their foes. Neither group normally fought in major battles like Telamon alone. But it is indeed after this battle that is the beginning of the end of freedom and sovereignty for Senogalatîs in Italy. In the following years, more large armies would be sent north and the Romans would then displace the Bouioi and Insubrioi and settle Roman citizens on those lands. While not entirely absorbed at this point, centuries of Senogalatîs making a home in Italy was essentially over.

It is worth noting when we talk about these battles that in their time in Italy, the Senogalatîs like the Romans could be ruthless and cruel to their enemies. In most cases, Italy in this time period was full of shifting alliances that formed temporarily at different points and times. The more observant reader has likely noticed that in the recitation of conflicts that powers such as the Etruscans were sometimes allies, sometimes enemies. This was the case with Latin nations like the Samnites, Umbrians, and Romans as well. These peoples all fought alongside each other in some battles, and against each other in others. This was the normal course of things in places like Italy and Greece, as well as Anatolia (roughly modern day Turkey) where there were many competing peoples with frequently changing and conflicting interests. Who was “good” and who was “bad” is often simply in the eyes of the interests each group had. All powers in Italy at that time were capable of both rights and wrongs and often did both. There is certainly bias in all writings related to such conflicts. Much of Western society paints the Romans in a more favourable light. And here, of course there is bias toward the Senogalatîs. Never, however, be mistaken that all sides in these ancient conflicts didn’t do wrongs. Whether overreacting to various slights, engaging in acts of banditry and plunder, or other wanton acts of violent aggression.

All of the major players in these conflicts did just that. The Senogalatîs, the Etruscans, the Romans, the Venetians, and in other instances, the Carthaginians and more. All were players in the “game” of battle for land and wealth to secure future generations of their people in a place that was optimal to do it. This is where we will leave the story of the Senogalatîs in this part of the world for now. We will now turn our attention to the east.

Continue to Chapter Four, Part Five: Senogalatîs in Arê (In the East)